Week of Doom

This week really has been one to forget. Cold, rainy weather and ever darkening November nights have combined with some spectacularly depressing stories to leave an air of gloom hanging over the country.

On Tuesday, Chancellor Alistair Darling revealed to the House of Commons that two compact disks containing the personal details of 25 million UK citizens had been lost. The Child Benefit claimant’s data, which contained names, ages, addresses and bank account details, had been sent to the National Audit Office through the Revenues and Customs’ internal post system but had gone “missing.” The Chancellor himself blamed a junior officer for breaking security protocol and Prime Minister Gordon Brown apologised to the British public for the “inconvenience and worry” caused.

The Labour government, already under pressure over its handling of the recent collapse of bank Northern Rock, took another beating on Friday when it was revealed unencrypted discs containing similar data had been handed to and uploaded by accountancy firm KPMG. With the Information Commissioner now investigating whether any laws were broken, all week people across the UK have been expressing shock at the government’s perceived breach of trust. As speculation grows about the possibility of such valuable and personal information falling into the wrong hands, news networks have been offering advice on how to prevent identity and bank account fraud.

To compound the gloom in government, on Thursday evening five retired generals attacked Labour’s record on support and funding for the armed forces during a debate in the House of Lords. Among them was Admiral Lord Boyce, who stated that former Chancellor Gordon Brown had treated forces with “contempt” and “disinterest.” He further commented that the decision to give the jobs of both Secretary for Defence and Scottish Secretary to one person -Des Browne- was an “insult.”

While London Mayor Ken Livingstone made a visit to India, back home Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir Ian Blair survived a vote of no confidence in front of the Metropolitan Police Authority. The position of the UK’s most senior police officer has been under scrutiny since the mistaken shooting of Brazilian Jean Charles de Menezes in the wake of the London terrorist bombings in July 2005. On 1st November, a court had ruled that health and safety laws were broken by the Met during the botched operation, and in this subsequent meeting before the MPA, seven of the 23-member panel voted to issue a motion of no confidence in the Met Chief. Sir Ian Blair can hold onto his position, but may be feeling a little shaken.

The already weakened farming community received more bad news with reports of multiple cases of bird flu confirmed in Suffolk. The deadly strain H5N1, thought capable of transmitting to humans, led to the culling of birds on four suspected farms within a close area. And on Thursday Health Secretary Hilary Benn, in a written statement to the Commons, revealed there had been a ‘probable’ new leak of foot and mouth disease from the Merial Animal Health facility at Pirbright in Surrey. A leaking pipe was believed to be the cause of the latest breach in bio-security but both Mr Benn and Farming Minister Lord Rooker issued assurances that the disease had not escaped into the environment, as happened so disastrously in August.

Peter Tobin, the man convicted of raping and murdering Polish student Angelika Kluk in 2006, was in court again this week, charged with the murder of 15 year old Vicky Hamilton. Newspapers followed with grim fascination the searches carried out on Mr Tobin’s former residence in Margate where detectives uncovered the makeshift graves of Vicky and the remains of another missing girl, Dinah McNichol. At a preliminary hearing at Linlithgow Sheriff Court, police were required to hold back crowds containing relatives of victims who spat and cursed at Tobin as he was rushed by the police into the courtroom. Before appearing in court for a second time, inmates of Saughton Prison in Edinburgh seized their opportunity to attack, leaving Tobin requiring hospital treatment.

On Wednesday night, England, currently ranked 12th in the FIFA Coca Cola World Rankings, crashed out of the qualifying stages of the Euro 2008 football tournament. After a poor performance and subsequent defeat to Croatia 3-2 in the new Wembley Stadium, England qualified third in their group, after requiring only a draw at home. Next morning, head coach Steve McClaren and assistant Terry Venables both had their contracts terminated by the Football Association executive board after a meeting in Soho Square. The England squad, populated by world class players of experience had shown little spirit throughout the qualifying campaign under coach Steve McLaren, a man oft-criticised as clueless and out of his depth. The sporting disaster led the FA executive to begin what they have called a “root-and-branch” examination of the entire England senior team set-up. But while English fans will have to choose another team to cheer about in Austria and Switzerland next year, the FA board itself may do well to avoid closer critical scrutiny.

The Fear Factor

Seeking to capitalise on Labour blunders and better poll ratings, Conservative leader David Cameron this week moved further into his social agenda pitch. Having dealt with immigration, he moved onto the subject of rape, again indicating disturbing statistics. But what is behind Cameron’s spectre of social meltdown, and is it just too much to believe?

Flushed with success after a positive reception to his speech on immigration, the Conservative leader this week spoke on another emotive social issue. At the Conservative Women’s Organisation, Mr Cameron indicated that on rape, England and Wales have the lowest conviction rates in leading European countries, 5.7%. He made a pledge for longer-term funding for rape crisis centres, also calling for a “widespread cultural change” in a society which in his view has become overly “sexualised” in the last decade.

Mr Cameron said: "Studies have shown that as many as one in two young men believe there are some circumstances when it's okay to force a woman to have sex. ...To my mind, this is an example of moral collapse." During the speech, he called for better sex education in schools and announced a Tory review of spending.

Hot on the heels of this speech, news broke of yet another Home Office blunder. This time it emerged through documents leaked to a newspaper that 5,000 illegal immigrants had been cleared to work in security (including at airports and ports) with the full knowledge of the Home Secretary. Jacqui Smith, who had reportedly known of the situation since July, held an emergency briefing in the Commons defending the decision not to publicise the information and denying charges of cover-up.

Countering loud Conservative criticism, she said her priority had been to establish the "full nature and scale" of the problem and to take action to deal with it, "rather than immediately to put incomplete and potentially misleading information into the public domain." In reply, Shadow Home Secretary David Davis scoffed, “The response from the Home Office so far has been blunder, panic and cover-up.”

So, as it turned out for Mr Cameron, the illegal immigrants fiasco ultimately deprived him of any forthcoming praise and debate on the issue of rape and sentencing. The loss, however, was somewhat alleviated by points scored against the Home Office, and presumably the Conservative marketing machine will soon hit upon another example of “moral collapse” to throw at Labour. Perhaps next they will look again at antisocial behaviour, or even put Ian Duncan-Smith and the newly-returned Jonathan Aitken to work digging up frightful government failures and Tory initiatives on the prisons system.

The current Conservative strategy reminds us, sadly, of what politics is all about. Mr Cameron, like any ruthless newspaper editor, realises that instilling fear with information bestows power and demands approval. Identifying wide ranging threats and promoting the view of a society in meltdown, he hopes, will lead people to gather under his banner and reject Gordon Brown’s Labour Party. But being in opposition is a far cry from being in office, and although some people may accept Cameron’s social commentary to a degree, others will view it is as political opportunism and panic-mongering.

Winning, the Rose way

A look at the story so far of the highest ranked European golfer to November, Englishman Justin Rose, and the lessons to be learned from his sporting triumphs.

This week in Valderrama, Spain, Justin Rose clinched a three way play-off to claim victory at the Volvo Masters and, more importantly, his first PGA Tour Order of Merit title. Rose, who has struggled with consistency in the past, seems to have finally found a winning formula and is now hotly tipped for a future victory in the majors.

Rose burst onto the scene back in 1998 at The Open where as a 17-year-old amateur he holed the 18th from the fairway on the final round to finish tied for fourth. Turning professional shortly afterwards, he struggled initially, missing more than 20 cuts before going on to become an established regular on the European Tour. His first victory in a professional event came at The Dunhill Championships in South Africa (the country of his birth) in 2002.

But life in the top flight is not easy. Despite being ranked 33 in the Official World Golf Rankings in 2003, 2004 was not a good year and Rose slipped out of the top 50 at the start of a run of bad form. For the next few years he seemed to come tantalisingly close to winning tournaments only to slip behind at the crucial moment. In 2005 he lead the Buick Championship after three rounds only to finish in third. Similarly, at the Canadian Open in September 2006, he went into the final round leading only to score a final round of 74 which moved him down the leaderboard.

However, the last 12 months has seen victory at the Australian Masters, a top five finish in the Masters at Augusta and of course the latest thrilling victory at Valderrama on Sunday which took Rose to ranked seventh in the Official World Golf Rankings. So, where has that crucial winning edge come from over the last 12 months, and how does Justin handle pressure at the top?

Ian Collins, Five Live Golf correspondent, attributes much of the new-found success to the team Justin has put in place this year. He split with previous management company IMG seeking a “personal touch in the handling of his affairs,” and replaced David Leadbetter with new coach Nick Bradley in a unique and exclusive one-on-one deal. Rose also married long time girlfriend Kate this year, and seems to have proved the old adage that marriage is good for you. So, it seems a calmer, happier and more settled competitor has emerged and we are beginning to see the results.

Team Rose aside, outstanding results have accompanied a crucial growth in mental belief and cumulative self-confidence - Justin Rose has trained himself to think properly. Speaking to the BBC about his fifth place finish at the Masters in 2007, he says:

“That is where my self-belief really started building. Although I finished fifth I felt like I finished a lot closer than maybe fifth represents. I got off to a terrible start in the final round but believed I could mount a comeback and I actually did do that. That was a really big learning experience for me. I felt comfortable being on the leader board, I enjoyed chasing down the stretch and living the dream, something I’d always dreamed about doing. To enjoy that experience and to trust myself and believe myself, that was a big week for me.”

Seeing obstacles as opportunities for growth and the value of dreaming positively plays a huge part in winning competitions, as we have seen this year in the case of Lewis Hamilton. But Rose has also made brave and conscious changes to his game at the time when it was most needed. On the secret of getting into the world’s top ten he says:

“I guess there has been a subtle change in my technique but really the key has been mentally, just simplifying my whole process and stripping it down and getting rid of the stuff I don’t need. Therefore when I come to a tournament I am in a very simple frame of mind. Therefore it is easy to repeat each week.
When you have got something easy to repeat, that is easy to trust under pressure and therefore my self-belief has been growing and growing.”

The future seems more exciting than ever for the 27-year-old as he sets his sights on the next logical step, winning a competition in America before looking for that first major victory. And on world number one, Tiger Woods, while Rose admits he would like to be the one snapping at his heels if the opportunity arose, he remains very much in the present and focussed:

“You have got to play your own game, and play the golf course and ultimately that is the only thing you can control. You can‘t think about what the other guys are doing. That is another thing I have done very well this year.”

Labouring hard

A few weeks ago Labour under Gordon Brown looked polished, efficient and scarcely troubled. Now, in the wake of cynical manoeuvring, revelations on bungled immigration figures, and a rejuvenated Conservative party, the government finds itself under considerable pressure. So, is it just politics as usual, or has David Cameron finally got something to work with?

Mr Brown's current headaches began around the time of the Conservative party conference. After apparently priming Britain for the polls, the Prime Minister suddenly found himself struggling as key Tories delivered charismatic performances and clever policy promise in Blackpool. The conference warm-up act, former Conservative leader William Hague, cannily picked apart Brown's own conference pitch to the people, labelling him "not a conviction politician but a calculation politician." This comment seemed to ring painfully true as observations made apparent Labour's shadowy reliance on electoral number crunchers.

Conservative leader David Cameron, himself under pressure as he took to the conference podium, used neither notes nor autocue to deliver a speech which impressed both conference and the wider press with its power and delivery. Shadow Chancellor George Osborne spoke out on inheritance tax at the event, pledging to raise the limits on Britain's "most hated tax", should the Conservatives gain office. Chancellor Alistair Darling's subsequent budget, aimed to steal the Tories' thunder, in fact earned him the unenviable nickname of "Mr Magpie" as he was accused of adopting as his own large parts of opposition policy. The Times of October 10th summed up the mood: "In an electioneering Autumn Budget that lacked only the election, the Chancellor adopted one Tory plan after another, including charging "nondomiciled" wealthy foreigners living in Britain and switching air travel duty from passengers to flights."

Struggling to put this and the election fiasco behind them, in mid-October Labour soon faced the imminent question over the EU Treaty and Gordon Brown's so-called red lines. With the premier flying off to Lisbon to battle our corner, the Tories at home screamed for the referendum as pledged in the Labour election manifesto. On 19 th October David Cameron told BBC Breakfast that Brown's red lines were "complete red herrings" and said: "This is, once again, Gordon Brown and his government treating the British people like fools."

However, all of these setbacks and the criticism made must now seem minor compared to the latest government embarrassment. Newsnight of 31 October reported on the confusion in which the government found itself after it was revealed sizeable and significant errors had been made in government immigration statistics. Having first stated that 2.7 million jobs had been created since 1997, with around 30% going to foreign workers (a total of 800,000), Labour then seemed to back pedal, stating there were in fact 1.1 million foreign workers, meaning a far higher percentage of British jobs filled by non-Britons. The programme asked incredulously, "Is this what Gordon Brown means by British jobs for British workers?"

The Telegraph reported on the written parliamentary answer on the botch-up delivered by Work and Pensions Secretary Peter Hain, who insisted ministers had used earlier figures “in good faith”: "I apologise for having to make this revision. I am sure you will understand these calculations are not straightforward." In reply, shadow Work and Pensions spokesman Chris Grayling described Mr Hain's admission as "extraordinary": "The fact that the Government did not know the true number of overseas workers who have come to the UK in the past 10 years is profoundly worrying, and confirms fears that ministers have simply lost control of our systems for migrant workers."

To compound Labour's woes, this unfortunate episode came only hours after David Cameron's first real speech of substance on immigration policy since he became leader. In the speech given to the Policy Exchange the opposition leader put much emphasis on the growing stress under which British transport, infrastructure and public services currently operate. Making pointed reference to the recent report predicting a boost in population (set to increase by 4.4 million to 65 million by 2016 and 71 million by 2031), Mr Cameron talked dispassionately and intelligently about growing numbers of households and the so-called atomization of society as people increasingly leave family and community behind.

Mr Cameron's pledges, among them to reduce the level of net immigration into Britain from non-EU states and introduce transitional immigration controls for new EU entrants, seemed to have hit home with potential voters, with subsequent polls revealing the Conservatives gaining ground on Labour.

But not just smart policy and timing explains the rise of Mr Cameron's star. The Tory leader has grown considerably in stature of late with ideas finally coming forth on crucial issues, as he weaves policy and values together in a way that resonates with increasing numbers of Britons. Also, his relationship with the Prime Minister has developed much to his advantage. Where Tony Blair treated the opposition leader with wry good humour and almost brotherly indulgence in the Commons, Brown appears a figure less fluent and less likeable, quicker to anger and much more averse to criticism. Cameron has found a way to bait the bear, and in spite of the new aggression and unpleasantness to be felt hanging in the air at Prime Minister's Questions, the Tories often emerge with the upper hand.

So, with Brown sometimes struggling to maintain his composure and a fast-learning and disruptive Cameron gathering increasing momentum, the Conservatives could be forgiven for thinking their long-awaited opportunity may not be long in the waiting.

Drawing a line underneath it

Focussing in on sport this week, with a couple of big matches, a few questionable decisions and a whole lot of implications for our national sporting culture.

The Liverpool-Everton derby yesterday was a memorable one. The first red card for Everton came for a tackle by Tony Hibbert, whose collision with Steven Gerrard brought the Liverpool midfielder tumbling down as he raced clear on goal. The second was given in second half injury time when Phil Neville momentarily seemed to forget he was not the goalkeeper, cynically palming away Lucas' strike from the top right-hand corner of the Everton goal.

Liverpool for their part escaped sendings off, albeit miraculously. Dirk Kuyt's flying two footed kick a la Eric Cantona aimed at Neville in the 64th minute was deemed deserving only of yellow. Even more outrageously, seconds before the final whistle Everton's unfortunate Jolean Lescott seemed to be judo-thrown by Jamie Carragher in the Liverpool box. No foul, no card this time and final whistle, 2-1 to Liverpool.

Premier League football matches now resemble unpleasant dogfights. Cheating as much as possible, accusing opponents of cheating in turn and treating match officials as contemptible is the order of the day. On various occasions in the match yesterday, the referee was pushed and intimidated by players who doubtlessly take their lead from characters such as John Terry. (In the recent Chelsea-Manchester United fixture, the England captain inexplicably avoided a massive post-match fine for grabbing the referee's arm which at the time contained a red card destined for John Obi Mikel.)

But as far away from the idea of 'sport' that football seems to be getting, such antics are not to be blamed for falling values. The real culprits are the football authorities and the sporting press. There seems to be no official willingness to bring footballers and managers to task for their deception, fakery and foul-mouthed intimidation tactics. It is commonplace for players to escape punishment for behaviour which in other sports would result in long bans and considerable financial penalties.

The press for their part largely lack integrity when it comes to constructive criticism on the way the game is conducted. Perhaps fearful of losing their jobs, acquiescent football commentators have been afraid to point out the ruthlessness of modern methods, washing their hands time and again of the frequent unpleasantness. While all of this goes on, the next generation watches, listens and takes note of the lesson: cheating is integral to sporting success.

London trains were packed even more than usual on Saturday night, as people streamed into the capital to watch England defend their title against the dangerous South Africans in the Rugby World Cup final. England, a side beleaguered and struggling with form in the build-up to the competition, had shown confidence, power and incredible intelligence to battle through to the final after initial defeat to their co-finalists in the group stages.

A competition which had shone with excitement, courage and upset sadly ended with defeat for Brian Ashton's men, with South Africa taking a 15-6 victory. The result, however, was controversial in light of some of the decisions made by match officials, and press coverage of the match so far has, in some quarters, fallen short of satisfactory.*

The cool goal kicking from Percy Montgomery, heroics from man-of-the-match Victor Matfield in the line out and unremitting pressure applied by the Springboks were all justly praised in the press. The BBC, Guardian and Sky sites, however, were notable in their thinness of coverage towards the key refereeing decisions which ultimately thwarted brave and brilliant English efforts.

The only try of the match seemed to have come just after the restart, with Matthew Tait picking up a bouncing pass in midfield and slicing through the Springbok defence. Tait, 21, offloaded in the tackle to the man brought in to replace the injured Josh Lewsy, Mark Cueto, who dramatically dived in at the corner flag for the score.

With questions over whether Cueto's foot had been in touch at the time of the try, Irish referee Alain Rolland called on the video referee to take an official second look. As the minutes ticked by in Paris, ITV replays clearly showed the offending foot over the touch line but, crucially, raised from the ground. In a decision hard to believe in a game so huge and so tightly fought, the try was disallowed by Referee Rolland and the Australian video official who had presumably seen footage similar to that broadcast all around the world.

After the match, Mark Cueto spoke about his disallowed effort: "From the front the grounding was fine, from the back you could clearly see my foot lifted up in the air before it went into touch. For me there was no question it was a try."

Cueto also commented on the curious penalties rather generously awarded to South Africa: "There was a couple of times that we got penalised for crossing [obstruction] and there were a couple of times when the South Africans did the same and didn't get penalised."

Sometimes it can be surprisingly different to watch something with your own eyes and then to read about it in the press as written by someone else. But one thing the press did get right was the fact that England can take much pride from their performance in the match, and in the tournament as whole. They have put the ghosts of failure well and truly behind them and risen to conquer some of the finest rugby teams in the world. It remains to be seen what reaction there may be, if any, to Referee Rolland’s performance.

* The Independent proves a notable exception. You can read the excellent match analysis at:

http://sport.independent.co.uk/rugby_union/world_cup_news/article3082034.ece

Moving On

Looking to South America this week, and some brave steps forward on the part of countries still struggling with the past.

The BBC reported on 11 October that a former Colombian justice minister had been sentenced to 24 years in prison for his part in the murder of presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galan in 1989. Alberto Santofimio, formerly a political rival of Galan, had been an associate of infamous narco trafficker and Medellin cartel boss, Pablo Escobar. Arrested previously in 1995 for taking drugs money, Mr Santofimio was accused of ordering the hit squad that publicly assassinated Mr Galan during a public meeting in the town of Soacha, Cundinamarca province.

In a country where speaking out against the cartels and mafia bosses often means death, Mr Galan had courageously campaigned on an anti-drugs, anti-corruption platform, promising extradition to the United States of those involved in the illicit trade. The assassination and the subsequent silence had come to symbolise the repression and fear running through Colombian public life, and the high cost of speaking out against the political underworld.

The trial was watched by Colombians in their millions, and the outcome may yet prove to be an important political milestone in a country where corruption and shady deals still rule the day. A widow and family may now claim some sense of justice, and crucially the state seems ever more willing to address long-buried sins.

The Times of 10 October reported that a Roman Catholic Priest from Argentina had been sentenced to life imprisonment for his part in kidnappings, torture and murder during the so-called ‘Dirty War.’ In the period of brutal military junta rule in the country from 1976 until 1983, it was alleged Christian Von Wernich, 69, had abused his position as chaplain to the Buenos Aires police force by extracting ‘confessions’ from government suspects before handing them over to be tortured and in some cases murdered.

Jorge Rafael Vileda’s military government took power in Argentina after the coup d’etat in 1976, brandishing extreme repression and brutality as a ‘solution’ to perceived political instability. The junta’s fear of militarised left wing and communist groups translated into the widespread and often indiscriminate kidnapping and murder of political activists, professors, students, musicians and their families and friends, with the number of murders estimated to be 30,000.

Long a source of pain for Argentineans, the Dirty War and recent history remains a national burden. Despite some successes in bringing perpetrators to trial, much controversy has surrounded the politicisation of reconciliation and uncertainty over whether to bring the military fully to account. Progress has been made however: in 2006, 24 March (the thirtieth anniversary of the coup) was declared a public holiday, the Day of Memory, Truth and Justice, where people gather to remember the dead and look to the future. And in commenting on the case of Christian Von Wernich, Jorge Bergoglio, the Archbishop of Buenos Aires praised this latest attempt to deal with the past:

“We believe the steps taken by the justice system in clarifying the facts should help renew every citizen’s effort toward reconciliation and serve as a wake-up call to put impunity, hatred and bitterness behind us.”

The Guardian reported this week on new measures proposed by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. In a move designed to boost the profile of indigenous rights, school textbooks will be changed in order to emphasize opposition to the present view that the Spanish conquest of South America was “doomed but heroic.” This news came as it was reported the president had renamed the cable car system which passes over capital city Caracas as Warairarepano, “which means big mountain in an indigenous coastal tongue.”

The same paper also reported on October 12th that former World Bank chief economist Joseph Stiglitz has endorsed President Chavez’s plan to establish a pan-regional bank, designed specifically for the purpose of serving Latin American economies. Mr Chavez argues that such an institution, now equipped with start-up capital from seven nations, would promote more regional independence and signify a move away from the previously costly loans extended by western nations.

Cuba part 4: an air of decay

Cuba. The images abound: sunshine and salsa, Castro and communism and revolution in the heart of the palm-fringed Caribbean. Perhaps more than any other country romantic preconceptions have become fixed for outsiders, and legend has come to surround this island. But it is precisely for this reason that visitors should endeavour to see the place for themselves, in order to gauge the reality and move beyond the myth.

After the breakdown of the Soviet system in 1991, Cuba entered what is known euphemistically as the Periodo Especial (Special Period), with financial support cut and political alliance dissolved. Without the support of its long-term benefactor and still the subject of US embargo, the nation found itself looking for other forms of vital foreign revenue. Opening up to tourism was the solution grudgingly formulated and Cuba, closed for many years to foreigners, once again became a world tourist destination.

Nowadays, those seeking a hassle-free beach holiday can find luxury purpose built resorts in Cuba which cater for the all-inclusive bucket-and-spade crowd. As in other parts of the Caribbean, these places have been kept carefully away from the local population and the grittiness of local life. One such resort, Cayo Coco, is located on an archipelago along the northeast coast of the island, linked to the mainland only by a causeway of some 27 miles. Consisting entirely of high class hotels, facilities and other tourist attractions, the place is totally sterile of Cuban influence, and since 2005 even has its own airport. Outsiders see neither hide nor hair of the culture in places such as these and risk no interaction with the locals. Consequently, they leave their exotic destination somewhat confused about where they have actually been.

More adventurous travellers risk visiting Cuba independently, hoping to catch a taste of a vanishing world and urged by tourist guides to ‘go now before it’s too late.’ Touching down at Jose Marti International airport, and the visitor steps immediately into a time warp. Hardly off the plane, the visitor is confronted by tobacco smoke, stifling humidity and groups of people milling around and socialising against the backdrop of garish red plastic and concrete polytechnic architecture. The airport is a vision from 1970s Africa. The hustling starts immediately as the travellers look for taxis and change dollars and euros into the convertible pesos, the obligatory currency for outsiders only available within Cuba.

People arriving in Havana for the first time may find the experience traumatic and expectations swiftly take a dive. The much touted atmosphere of grandeur, charm and decadence in reality translates into decay, dirt and shabbiness for visitor and resident alike. Buildings which must have been visions of opulence and grandeur in the thirties and forties now threaten to crumble and collapse upon their unfortunate occupants (something which in fact happens with sad regularity). The overall impression of the centro area of the city is that of a bombed-out shell. Many people sit on street corners or mill around aimlessly and only the most insensitive visitors would fail to pick up the lack of dynamism and optimism in this place.

The widespread presence of the hustlers, or jineteros (translated literally as ‘riders’) promote a skewed relationship between Cubans and visitors, with the former as unscrupulous financial opportunists and the latter as prey. The men will try to sell you things and take you places for a hefty fee, and the prostitutes who inhabit the discos and street corners seek to ensnare the foreign men with well-practiced routines.

Public transport is packed, stifling and incredibly outdated in design, yet there is no option for Cubans going about their everyday business. Taxis are prohibitively expensive and wages low, even for such venerable professions as doctors and lawyers. Motorways in the interior are largely devoid of cars and train networks have gone decades without refurbishment. The infrastructure and transport system of this country, much like the nominal leaders, seem a relic of the past, antiquated and obsolete and struggling to cope with the demands placed upon them.

Fidel for his part has never shied away from the social difficulties of his ideological social revolution. He readily admits in his radio addresses and speeches that times are hard and people must be strong. Often he refers to the sacrifices made by Jose Marti and the tyranny of the United States from which Cuba has remained free. In mitigation for hardship he offers citizens a Cuba with free healthcare, universal education and comparatively high levels of literacy, when studied against other Latin American or ‘third world‘ countries.

On the everyday level, each barrio (neighbourhood) has a Comite de la Defensa de la Revolucion (Committee for the Defence of the Revolution) in which citizens’ participation is strongly encouraged. All community affairs come under this political umbrella with the onus on the individual to work on local issues emphasizing unity and social cohesion. But what is trumpeted as grassroots revolutionary activism and the platform for citizens’ political involvement in reality equates to Big Brother. Should people fail to take active and zealous part in these ‘committees’, suspicion can be aroused and life can become much harder in terms of jobs and standing in the community.

Few Cubans will openly admit to it, but boredom and frustration can be felt in this place, particularly among the younger people. Citizens are very restricted in where they can go and need official permission to travel to other provinces if their job does not require it. This factor, coupled with the tourism apartheid in operation, means that those trying to meet outsiders or even just people from other areas of the country can find it difficult. In the face of this system of repression the tendency is to be lazy, and many Cubans in Havana and elsewhere can be seen simply idling day and night, seemingly out of work or unwilling to work.

Education of course is provided by the state and so the visitor comes across many university-trained engineers, architects and doctors. But with movement frozen, wages pitiful and a stifled economy, peoples’ aspirations have been choked of oxygen. Thus a highly trained workforce often forego the practicing of their professions in favour of hustling tourists or working hotels where dollars may be made.

Cuba asks stern questions of the traveller. What price ideology when set against basic standards of infrastructure, economic freedom and personal aspiration? What price freedom from tyranny when freedom means community informers and lack of basic goods? The stagnation and restriction in evidence leads to inevitable meditation upon the suitability of the system, and how well its leadership is serving its people. For the people of Cuba are its greatest resource, strong-willed, good humoured and hard working by nature. Cuba is more than merely a place for morbid tourist fascination, it is a place with tremendous yet latent national potential. At the time of Fidel’s passing we may feel admiration for the ideological stand to which he has devoted his life. But at the same time we must hope the people of Cuba can seize their opportunity and adapt their nation to a more open and forward looking model.